Sunday, August 12, 2018

Public Education - What You Can Do


Follow the Money
August 12, 2018

I was motivated to write this four-part series of columns on education because I love public schools. Our public education system still provides an excellent service if you are able to get into a well-functioning school. My wife and I are both very pleased with the results of sending our children to San Francisco’s public schools for all their elementary and middle school years so far.

Nevertheless, too many of our schools are failing too many of our kids.

In the first column, we learned that the primary problem with California’s public schools is that they compare poorly to those in other states, and in particular are failing to provide a good education to our neediest kids. We also learned that San Francisco is doing an especially bad job in this regard (notably in its eastside schools), calling into doubt how “liberal” or “progressive” we really are as a city when it comes to education. A secondary problem is that public school teachers (especially the younger ones whose future pension benefits are highly likely to be less generous than what more senior teachers have already accrued) are insufficiently compensated for an increasingly difficult teaching job.

In the second column, we learned that inadequate funding is one root cause of the poor state of public education. Proposition 13 de-funded our schools, so that over the last four decades California has gone from being on par with other states to being near the bottom of the pack in funding as a percentage of state income. Over the same time period, our school population has become needier (e.g. a higher percentage of students do not speak English as their first language), and so logically should have received more resources, not less. Also over the same time period, we made substantial pension promises that we failed to fund; our schools now face a “silent recession” where a greater share of each future dollar of funding will go to fulfill past promises made – which means a smaller share of each future dollar of funding will go to teach the students.

In the third column, we learned that bad school management is another root cause of the poor state of public education. California’s Education Code has ballooned six-fold over the last forty years and is now stifling and bureaucratic. The results are in from a dozen years of analyzing the experience in New Orleans after Hurricane Katrina: a combination of radically increased autonomy and accountability can substantially improve education outcomes in public schools. Autonomy empowers teachers and administrators on the ground to make the decisions they believe are best for students in their schools. Accountability ensures that schools demonstrate their approach is improving outcomes; it also allows low performing teachers and administrators to be removed when necessary and low performing schools to be closed when necessary.



What can each of us do to improve our system of public education? I suggest three things.

First and foremost, we must own the reality that our schools are not nearly good enough. California is failing. San Francisco is failing. The status quo is unacceptable. The fate of our children’s education is literally our future. A healthy, robust society prioritizes its future by investing sufficient resources and holding the people responsible for managing those resources to account. We must acknowledge these truths, internalize their significance, and motivate ourselves to action.

Second, we must move beyond false debates. For example, all too often the politics of public education devolves into a debate over being “for” or “against” teachers’ unions. But Massachusetts is a union state with one of the highest performing public education systems, while Mississippi is a right to work state with one of the lowest. There is nothing inherently good or bad about unions per se; what matters is: first, whether the needs of students are being met and second, whether the interests of all teachers (and other school employees) are being reasonably served as long as those teachers (and other school employees) are doing an adequate job.

Another false debate to jettison is whether “more money” or “school reform” is needed; in fact we must have both, or neither will succeed. The Massachusetts Public Reform Act of 1993 is a useful model for us to study; this grand compromise combined more funding that was progressively distributed in return for increased autonomy and accountability. California’s recently enacted Local Control Funding Formula is only a baby step in comparison, but at least it is a beginning.

Finally, I urge you to educate yourself about the candidates running for office and ask yourself who is likely to fight for the smart, radical changes we need. One race in particular to focus on this year is the State Superintendent of Public Instruction. This is not a race most people are not even aware of, let alone focused on, yet it matters a lot. Some of the things the State Superintendent can do is:

1.      Interpret the Local Control Funding Formula to allow poorer schools within districts to receive greater funding over time – and intervene aggressively with failing schools
2.      Work with districts to get multi-year “master waivers” from unnecessary regulation to empower them to innovate
3.      Build a data system to capture and share best teaching and administrative practices across the state (and create a governance structure to support its use and implementation)
4.      Use the public megaphone to advocate with the governor and legislators for the funding and reform our public schools need

The two candidates running this fall for State Superintendent of Public Instruction are Marshall Tuck and Tony Thurmond. When I published the original version of this column in the Examiner, I was asked not to formally endorse either candidate. But here, I can tell you that I wholeheartedly endorse Marshall Tuck. I have met several times with Marshall Tuck and he has greatly impressed me with his knowledge, his passion, and his ideas. And Marshall Tuck has the full-throated endorsement of Arne Duncan, who was US Education Secretary under President Obama.

I encourage you to learn about both Marshall Tuck and Tony Thurmond, so you can make up your own mind. But whatever you do, don’t sit this race out! Your engagement in November and beyond is critical for the future of our public schools.

Sunday, August 5, 2018


Follow the Money
August 5, 2018

Last week we looked at the funding side of the root causes of the poor state of the public schools in California (and San Francisco). This week we look at school reform. Next week we will conclude by proposing an agenda for change.

Analyzing the need and the potential for school reform with analytic rigor is a challenge. It is one thing to describe the degree and character of bureaucratic bloat in the public school system, but how can one objectively quantify it? Even more challenging: How can one test and observe what changes to how schools are organized and managed produce better outcomes, given all the confounding variables in the real world?

One way to answer the first challenge is literally to measure the growth of the California Education Code from 1978 to 2018. The first photo shows that the California Education Code in 1978 was a mere two volumes, when there were 4.0 million students in California’s public schools. The second photo shows that the California Education Code in 2018 had ballooned to 12 equivalently sized volumes to serve the needs of 6.2 million students in the state’s public schools.




Was this six-fold expansion of the education code necessary to serve a student population that had only increased by 50% over the same time period? Or was it instead a function of the increased state oversight (versus local control) that occurred after Prop 13 led to the majority of school funding shifting from local property taxes to state income taxes? Regardless of the cause, I know from conversations with teachers, administrators and parents that the existing thicket of rules and regulations are widely perceived to be stifling and bureaucratic.

But perception, even when based in experience, is not always reality. We need a laboratory to test different ways of running schools. This is the motivation behind charter schools: allow new public schools to open and operate under a public charter with more freedom to set their rules, then observe over time which schools provide better student outcomes and – by extension – what methods and organization structures work best.

However, there is a key structural problem with the charter school test and learn approach: cherry picking. A charter school may end up attracting a non-representative sample of students (e.g. those who have either more personal initiative or a more supportive family environment), so that any positive effects the charter school produces might be mainly due to its student base. Furthermore, a charter school engaging in such cherry picking – even if wholly unintended – might destabilize the existing public schools by leaving the existing public schools with an even needier student base, and/or siphoning off badly needed public funding.

What we would like to analyze is a large-scale, well-tracked experiment with robust results that are free from the distortions and negative side effects of cherry picking. And fortunately, we have it in the post-Katrina New Orleans school reforms. The results of these reforms were written up in a July 15 New York Times column by Pulitzer Prize winning Opinion columnist David Leonhardt.

Here are the background facts, as reported by Leonhardt. After Hurricane Katrina devastated an already struggling community, “The state of Louisiana took over the school system in 2005, abolished the old bureaucracy and closed nearly every school.” Then, “Rather than running schools itself, the state became an overseer, hiring independent operators of public schools – that is, charter schools – and tracking their performance.” Crucially, because the changes operated over the entire school system, there was no cherry picking. An entire population of students who had previously been poorly served was transformed into a laboratory where different schools operated with substantially more freedom to set their rules – and then the results were then rigorously tracked.

We now have a dozen years of data from the experiment. (If you have the interest, I suggest reading the more detailed technical report in addition to the summary policy brief.) Performance has substantially improved. Not only are test results much better, but those results are persisting in post-test outcomes: high school graduation, college attendance and college graduation are all significantly higher.

Leonhardt visited New Orleans to interview “students, teachers, principals, community leaders and researchers” in order to understand the insights we should take away. Here is what he learned:

"People here point to two main forces driving the progress: autonomy and accountability.

"In other school districts, teachers and principals are subject to a thicket of rules, imposed by a central bureaucracy. In New Orleans, schools have far more control. They decide which extracurriculars to offer and what food to serve. Principals choose their teachers – and can let go of weak ones. Teachers, working together, often choose their curriculum. …

"Crucially, all of this autonomy comes with accountability: Schools must show their approach is working. They are evaluated based on test scores, including ACT and Advanced Placement, and graduation rate – with an emphasis on the trend lines. Schools that fail to make progress can lose their contract. Over the past decade, the district has replaced the operators of more than 40 schools in response to poor performance. … [The] research has found that much of the city’s progress has stemmed from closing the worst charter schools and letting successful charters expand."

In a follow-up column, David Leonhardt notes how poorly we are served by the typical debate between, on the one hand “staunch defenders [of school reform]” who “tend to be conservative” and “see market competition as a cure-all” versus on the other hand “the harshest critics of reform – who are largely progressive – [and] oppose nearly any alternative to traditional schools.” I agree wholeheartedly with Mr. Leonhardt. In our debates over education policy, we should never lose sight of two critical points: (1) Our current public education system is serving us inadequately, and is most especially letting down our neediest students. (2) If taxpayers will have to contribute more money to our public schools – and we will – then we have a responsibility to do everything possible to improve how our schools are run so that our higher taxes will be put to the best possible use.

Next week, I will summarize what we have learned from our inquiry and propose an agenda for change.